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Benita Ferrero-Waldner
No. 06/05
January 13, 2005
"EU-US RELATIONS"
SPEECH BY
DR. BENITA FERRERO-WALDNER
EU COMMISSIONER FOR EXTERNAL
RELATIONS AND EUROPEAN
NEIGHBOURHOOD POLICY
AT THE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES
WASHINGTON, DC
13 JANUARY, 2005
Mr. Chairman,
Your Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentleman.
I would like to thank Robin Niblett and the Center for Strategic
and International Studies for this invitation to speak to
you today. Although I had the pleasure of visiting Washington,
DC, when I was Austrian Foreign Minister, this is my first
visit as European Commissioner responsible for External
Relations. I am delighted to have the opportunity to address
such a distinguished audience.
Judging from the weather outside, it seems that spring is
already on its way in DC. I must say, it's really rather
a relief to see - as those of you who are familiar with
Brussels will know, the weather there is rarely as good
as this in January! But, as one of your poets, Anne Bradstreet,
wrote, "If we had no winter, the spring would not be
so pleasant; if we did not sometimes taste of adversity,
prosperity would not be so welcome." The same could
be said about EU-US
relations. We have had a fair amount of adversity, as
well as our periods of prosperity. Certainly our relations
have not been easy over the last couple of years. But, just
like the season, we now have an opportunity for renewal.
There are renewals on both sides of the Atlantic; a new
US Administration is stepping in next week and a new European
Commission and European
Parliament took office last year. President Bush has
spoken of the importance of us reaching out to one another
and has announced that his first foreign trip after his
inauguration will be to Brussels. And I am here today, following
my colleague Javier
Solana's visit last week, to meet members of the Administration
and Congress and to help establish a new basis for our relations
in the years to come.
***
2005 marks the 10th anniversary year
of the New
Transatlantic Agenda, and that is as fitting a reason
as any for talking about renewing our relations. As my colleague,
President
Barroso has said, "The relationship between the
United States and Europe constitutes the world's strongest,
most comprehensive and strategically most important partnership."
Standing on this side of the Atlantic, it is easier to understand
why US public opinion sometimes fails to appreciate the
significance of the transatlantic link, just as European
public opinion sometimes fails to appreciate the value
of our partnership. But understanding why is not enough
- we must both make more effort to communicate to our publics
the significance and value of our relationship. Recently,
public opinion on both sides of the Atlantic has received
a rather negative impression of the state of our relations.
I hope we can reverse that trend. Although there will always
be farsighted players amongst us to ensure that, in the
long run, our relationship stays on track, we risk more
frequent derailments if public opinion is not fully on board.
From any perspective, the EU
of today bears little resemblance to the EU of just
one year ago, let alone that of 10 or 20 years ago. Indeed,
it was only 10 years ago that my own country joined the
EU. Today we are 25
Member States; 2 others, Bulgaria
and Romania, are expected to join us in 2007; and we are
set to start negotiations with Croatia and Turkey later
this year.
In parallel to this rapid geographical enlargement, the
EU is getting involved in ever more policy
areas ranging from the success of the single currency
to an extensive agenda of co-operation on justice and homeland
security issues. The same is true in the area of foreign
and security policy. At the end of 2003, the EU adopted
its first security strategy and we are already preparing
for significant future changes with the entry into force
of the EU's new constitutional
treaty in the next couple of years.
I would like to illustrate this trend with three specific
examples:
First, our growing capacity to handle the challenges of
security and stability in our immediate neighbourhood. With
the active support of the US, enlargement has traditionally
been our most effective foreign policy instrument. But there
are limits on how far and how fast this process can go.
We have therefore developed a new initiative, the "European
Neighbourhood policy," to engage with our neighbours
to the east and south. In return for their taking meaningful
steps to strengthen the rule of law, good governance, and
human rights and democracy, we offer our neighbours new
opportunities to share in the EU's Single Market, closer
co-operation on energy and transport links and a chance
to participate in EU programmes.
Second, the emergence of a genuinely operational European
Security and Defence Policy. This should enable the
EU to take on a bigger share of our global responsibilities,
working with NATO
and, I hope more effectively than in the past, complementing
its activities. But I should be absolutely clear - we have
no intention of doing anything that would undermine NATO
or the established basis of transatlantic security co-operation.
The recent transfer of peace-keeping operations in Bosnia
from NATO to the EU is an excellent example of consensual
burden-sharing that I hope will become the model for the
future.
Third, the EU's traditional strengths in the soft end of
international relations. We are deeply committed to the
success of multilateral international institutions, starting
of course with the United Nations. President Bush's recent
comments on the importance of effective multilateralism
are particularly welcome in this context. We are also well-established
as the world's leading donor of financial assistance, providing
some 55% of international aid and two-thirds of grant aid.
Throughout all these important developments, one thing remains
constant. That is the centrality and irreplaceable nature
of the transatlantic relationship. It is important for us,
for you, and for the world. It is important for our business,
for our civil societies and for our citizens. And we see
its importance reflected in our trade
relations; our counter-terrorism
activities; and our handling of crises
and conflicts.
On a global level we are both major powers, and as such
we have global responsibilities. Exercising that power and
responsibility effectively inevitably means working together.
In this regard, let me touch for a moment on the way the
international community has come together in the face of
the catastrophe in the Indian
Ocean. Our hearts go out to all those affected by this
terrible disaster. The overwhelming destruction has left
all of us shocked and determined to assist. The American
and European peoples have shown tremendous compassion and
global responsibility. Public authorities have responded,
not only financially (between the EU and the US we have
pledged well over $2 billion) but also by ensuring that
the donations of aid will be spent effectively because we
have coordinated our efforts through the UN system. This
is an excellent example of effective multilateralism. In
the face of such human suffering, only effective international
cooperation can hope to prevail. And in this case, coordination
between the EU and US has been exemplary.
But effective cooperation between the EU and the US shouldn't
only take place when disasters occur. Our joint approach
to the Balkans
and Afghanistan,
and recent events in Ukraine,
demonstrated that when we do act together, there are few
things we cannot achieve.
Knowing this, it is surely our responsibility to make every
effort to cooperate. This may at times be painful, especially
when it requires us to put short-term domestic considerations
aside in order to achieve our long-term goals. However,
to quote President Eisenhower, "No nation's security
and well-being can be lastingly achieved in isolation, but
only in effective cooperation with fellow nations."
Seeing the success of these cooperative efforts should make
us impatient to do more - and there is no shortage of opportunities.
Perhaps most urgent is the potential for peace in the Middle
East. Thanks to the free and fair elections held last
Sunday, we now have a new Palestinian leadership with the
credibility and legitimacy to act as Israel's partner in
negotiating peace. And in Israel we have a new government
committed to a withdrawal from Gaza, which I hope will be
negotiated with the Palestinian leadership. Taken together,
there is a real opportunity to re-start the peace process.
We must seize the moment; re-invigorate the Quartet; and
provide the necessary political attention, support, and
financial assistance to ensure the Road Map's full implementation.
Together we have a serious possibility to contribute to
peace.
Progress towards peace between Israelis and Palestinians
would also put in place a key part of the puzzle for success
in another area of vital interest to us both - greater freedom,
democracy and prosperity in the broader Middle East and
Mediterranean. Democracy
cannot be imposed from outside, but in the EU we have a
wealth of experience in helping countries transform themselves,
both politically and economically: from Central and Eastern
Europe to Turkey and the Balkans. And this experience applies
to the Mediterranean and the Broader Middle East as well.
There we have been working for decades to support domestic-grown
reforms in the political, economic and social fields. We
have backed our political efforts with assistance amounting
to something like €3 billion per year of loans and grants.
The EU and US should do more to work in parallel with one
another on the region's priorities. These should be the
advancement of human rights and democracy, education, economic
modernisation, the promotion of regional integration, WTO
membership for all the countries of the region and forming
a Middle East Zone free of Weapons of Mass Destruction.
Iran
and Iraq
are also, needless to say, key pieces of the puzzle. Everyone
in Europe wants Iraq to be a democratic, peaceful and stable
country. That is why we have been ready to contribute substantially
to Iraq's reconstruction both politically and financially.
The EU pledged around €1.2 billion in Madrid - of this the
European Commission is contributing almost €320 million.
As I confirmed at the G8 Ministerial meeting at Sharm el
Sheikh in November, we will maintain a similar level of
funding in 2005. We will support the electoral and constitutional
processes and those needs we find most pressing: employment
creation, health and education. It is only through effective
cooperation that stability in Iraq will be achieved. For
the long term we want to develop a partnership with Iraq
that will cover both political and trade cooperation. As
relations with Iraq normalise, we intend to work towards
a contractual agreement that would give full expression
to such a partnership.
The EU has been in the lead in securing a nuclear deal with
Iran. We now need to work together to ensure that Iran delivers
on its commitments. The European Commission is doing its
part - even as we speak negotiations
are taking place in Brussels for an agreement on trade and
improved cooperation linked to Iran's performance in other
areas. Your President said last month, "We're relying
upon others, because we've sanctioned ourselves out of influence
with Iran." But let there be no misunderstanding: we
rely upon each other for the success of this deal. The development
of a broader, longer-term understanding with Iran will depend
in large part on the stance adopted by the US. I cannot
emphasise enough how important our mutual cooperation will
be.
There are many other examples of where it is in our mutual
interest to cooperate; the truth is, there are very few
areas where we do not share the same goals and where we
would not both benefit from a greater degree of collaboration.
I will wish to review other major foreign policy challenges
with your government this afternoon; certainly, given that
President Bush has made effective multilateralism one of
his priorities, we will discuss the subject of UN reform.
***
I have concentrated on foreign policy
issues, and the scope for the US and the EU to work together
as a force for good in the world. But we also have an important
agenda in our bilateral relations which presents major opportunities
and challenges.
We can become tired of quoting the impressive economic figures.
US and European companies invest more in each other's economies
than they do in the entire rest of the world. In 2003 US
investment in the Netherlands alone was not far behind the
total US investment in all of Asia. And total 2-way trade
between the US and Europe employs, directly or indirectly,
over 12 million people on both sides of the Atlantic.
On counter-terrorism, the Commission has worked very well
with the US Department of Homeland Security in the areas
of border - and transport - security. For example, last
year we agreed on how to improve container
security and on the transfer of air
passenger name records, while ensuring personal data
is adequately protected. We have also worked closely with
the US on improving air traffic security and on promoting
higher security standards at airports, seaports and on ships.
But just as there is unfulfilled potential to do more together
in our cooperation with other countries, there is also unfulfilled
potential in developing our bilateral relations.
On counter-terrorism, we cannot limit ourselves to bilateral
solutions if we want to address global security challenges
effectively. We would now like to work together with the
US to see global standards adopted in international organisations
such as the International Civil Aviation Organisation, the
International Maritime Organisation and the World Customs
Organisation. This would make trade and travel more secure
on a global basis, whilst simultaneously facilitating legitimate
movements.
A more problematic area is our request for the extension
of your visa waiver scheme to all EU countries. That has
not yet happened, and as a result much money and time is
being wasted. But more important is the emotional impact.
The very premise of the EU is that all citizens should be
treated equally, but it is abundantly clear to some of our
new Member States that when it comes to US visas this is
not the case.
There is still scope for increasing our trade and investment.
Our responsibility as governments is to create the right
environment to allow these to grow. At the last EU-US
Summit, we both agreed that we would consult our citizens
and business about how best we could increase trade, investment,
jobs, competitiveness and innovation. Our side of the Atlantic
has certainly responded well and we have received some excellent
suggestions. The next Summit will take place this summer,
and before then we will turn the ideas generated on both
sides of the Atlantic into specific proposals.
One area where we should focus our energies is in successfully
concluding the WTO
Doha Development round. Monday's agreement to launch
EU-US negotiations on subsidies in the civil
aircraft sector is a positive sign for our future cooperation
on trade issues.
A final area to mention is climate
change. I am not going to talk about why this is important
- now more than ever that should be obvious to all. But
I think it is worth bearing in mind that the future of our
planet is at stake, and that those most affected, as with
any natural disaster, will be the poor and the vulnerable.
So whatever the solution, be it method x or y, the key is
that it be both effective and multilateral, and that we
to take steps to achieve it rapidly.
***
Is the current informal institutional
structure of our relations up to the task of achieving all
these ambitious goals? I believe we need to keep an open
mind and explore all available options. I have heard lots
of interesting ideas, ranging from updating the agendas
and action plans to revamping the dialogue structures or
even negotiating a formal partnership agreement or an interdependence
declaration. Whatever we do, what is ultimately important
is the political will to work together.
I recently spoke to the Transatlantic Policy Network in
Brussels, which brings together politicians from both sides
of the Atlantic. I stressed the importance I attach to such
opportunities for policy makers to meet. In discussing our
future relations, links between the US Congress and members
of the European Parliament will play a very important role,
and I hope 2005 will see them intensify.
So let me close with an injunction to all of us here today,
to your government and to my colleagues back home. In the
words of President Kennedy, "Let both sides explore
what problems unite us instead of belabouring those problems
which divide us." And let us undertake to fulfil more
of the promise that our relations hold, for prosperity,
peace, freedom and security.
My personal undertaking to you is to do everything in my
power to achieve that. I know that my fellow Europeans who
have been visiting your capital in recent days share that
commitment, and President Bush is sending us a strong signal
by visiting Brussels next month.
I thank you again for this opportunity to share my thoughts
with you, and hope that if you honour me with another invitation
in the future the climatic conditions on both sides of the
Atlantic will be as favourable as they are here today!
Further Contact Information
Press and Media Relations
Delegation of the European Commission
2300 M Street, NW
Washington, DC 20037
http://www.eurunion.org/PressRoom
Tel: 202-862-9552
Fax: 202-429-1766
